Class struggle and capitalist crisis

Current capitalist crisis is just the manifestation of the bourgeois relations of production that led to stagnation of productive forces. These can no longer develop; the social relationships of production and capitalist exploitation have no strength to develop society. They only have the strength, for now, due to the revolutionary direction of the proletariat’s crisis, to impose their adjustment plans. We are living the most severe manifestation of imperialist capitalism’ decomposition.
After the WWII’s economical boom was over (and because of a process that Marx called the tendency of the rate of profit to fall TRPF) from the mid 70’s to now the bourgeoisie make no substantial profit gains from the investment on industrial production; they rather invest their gains to financial circle, because of the high rate of gains. In this scenario the tank of oxygen that meant the capitalist restoration in the former deformed worker’s states ran out in less than a decade. The usurious loans (both private and state) given to semi-colonial countries – and among those loans, the vulture fund - the speculation with bonds or property rights or through the most sophisticated techniques of financial speculation in order to make an specific part of the economy to grow up on an unrated way, making “bubbles”. This parts of the economy can be various, from the dot.com sites to technologic actions, etc. But these financial bubbles will blow off, and back in 2008 this led to bankruptcy of banks system and the whole credit system and, once more, left the industry and international commerce in a worse condition.
So far this crisis its been for several years and every 3 or 5 years it crashes on a different country, with its respective political implications: from the Arab democratic revolution (Tunisia, Libya, rebellion and downfall of Mubarak, with its subsequent coup d’etat), to rebellion and civil war in Syria, the revolutionary process in Thailand, rebellion in Ukraine and the fight against famine in Greece, etc. Their implications have an effect both in imperialist Europe and other imperialist countries such as China and Russia, as well as the most important economies of South America; Brazil, Argentina or Venezuela, with heavy blows to the less developed countries, because imperialism, through external debts, can pull out bigger amounts of gains from these types of countries. And as a consequence of the proletariat’s direction crisis, we have the rising of Jihadism in Syria and Iraq (and financed by the most reactionary sectors of the Arab bourgeoisie and monarchy) and it’s attacks on Europe, witch strengthens the xenophobic right wing, specially those of pro-zionist and anti-arab views. While hunger, misery and repression grown in Africa and Asia, making tons of desperate people risk their lives crossing the Mediterranean river in search for a future, strengthening in the same time the most reactionary sectors of this imperialist countries.
The most optimistic estimation from the economics experts of the bourgeoisie talk about 5 more years of worldwide crisis, which will rely on the economic recovery of the USA and if that recovery propels the world economy or if USA economical recovery is to slight (such as it is right now) and the world economy in crisis submerges USA in crisis once again. Nevertheless, the fact is not that there is an inherent recovery from capitalism itself; it doesn’t have an internal regeneration method: it depend on it’s attack against the working class and their response to it, that is the overcoming or not of the crisis in class struggle.
This is one of the biggest worldwide capitalism crises (with its short cuts of growing, stalemate and recession) and we are waiting for more and more years of great proletariat’s struggles, where the bourgeoisie will try to, as a task with a matter of life or death, to make the working class of the central countries, the whole part of the oppressed and the proletariat as a whole to pay the charges of this crisis. A true permanent economical counterrevolution against the world working class conquest and life’s conditions. Crises, famine, stern, unemployment, misery, strikes, repression, xenophobe, death, attempts, coup d’etat, wars (against and among semi-colonial countries) and revolutions shall be, not only the terms we will hear more about, but the more common realities we’ll have to live in. Meanwhile, the current’s to an inter-imperialist war grow stronger, even despite the possible blocs are not define yet.
Those workers who are the advanced ones, and even those who consider themselves to be revolutionary, must comprehend that this structural crises of capitalism cannot give a place to naive illusions. Low salaries, over-exploitation, unemployment and misery shall grow. The social-democrats have gone counter-reformist and have become the political arm of the bourgeoisie in order to implement the famine; the “left-winged” national bourgeoisie of the semi-colonial countries, today with a warm anti-imperialist speech that speaks about making the development of their national economy come true by developing heir industry o “humanizing” capitalism. The Stalinism’s leftover, while regenerating capitalism in their countries, mix both national-bourgeoisie and reformist recipes, not fighting for a revolutionary output to crisis. Be it non-improvement reformism, business nationalism or this fake communists, it’s all about delivered lies or, in certain cases, reactionary utopias, with their aim in making the workers not to fight for their emancipation.
The tempos are going faster and faster, behind of every stability period a worse crises is coming. The construction for a revolutionary worker’s party in order to fight for socialist revolution, both in national and world scale, is more than ever the most important task. In that sense, we must explore and propel every international Leninist-Trotskyist regrouping with principles in liaison committees with international tendencies of factions that won’t fight to each other but ratter help to propel this international regrouping. All of this with our very own conception what proletariat internationalism and International Party stands for; the same conception that the III and IV International left for us.
Certainly, facing the actions of the social-democrats and every kind of Stalinists, the only Marxist inheritor is Trotskyism; a current witch at the same time has its principled, centrists and opportunistic wings, this last two developing various forms of revisionism of the theory and program of the IV International. As well as their most principled wings being isolated and scattered.
To regroup, propel and to develop principled Trotskyism in the working class is task number one that we, the internationalist Trotskyist of this international regrouping, have taken in order to fight for revolutionary worker’s party’s in the entire world (fighting against the bourgeoisie, union’s bureaucracy and governments) and, in such a case, for the world party of socialist revolution.

Principle bases for an Organizing Committee of the RWCI

1 – There will be Socialism with World Revolution only: the depletion of WWII’s capitalist boom trough mid 70’s lead stalinism, in less than a decade, to regenerate capitalism in the DWS, striking the proletariat with a historical defeat. But this wasn’t made because capitalism had a good health or its “superiority” against socialism, but due to the crisis of capitalism itself and the fact that Stalinism, instead of fighting, tried to economically compete, transferring the crisis to the DWS’s interior. Socialism didn’t fail because we never reached to it; the Stalinist bureaucracy failed in order to maintain their privileges.
2 – Against the reactionary utopia for a capitalist unified Europe: Europe’s unity can only maintain in time with famine and labor flexibility, imposed by the very bourgeoisie of those countries of the EU, by the IMF and the ECB. Workers must fight to destroy the monarchy and the bourgeoisie in both Spain and UK; to destroy the V Republic of the colonialist France; to destroy the anti-workers and imperialist government of the unified Germany; etc. That is, we call to fight against the government and the imperialist regimes and to also overthrow their servants: the bourgeoisie of those semi-colonial countries (like Greece, Ireland, Romania, Poland, etc.) and to destroy all the bourgeoisie states imposing the proletariats dictatorship, making so the way to the unique true unity of workers and peoples of Europe: a federation – free and voluntary – of workers republics of Europe fighting for worldwide revolution.
3 – For the military defeat of imperialism in every attack or invasion it makes. We are in the trench and we fight for the military victory of every single oppressed nation attacked by imperialist power, that means we are for the defeat of the imperialist aggressor. But we also fight for a proletariat’s direction in the national war, in order to transform that war in the begging of socialist revolution; being so in the attacked country (Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, etc.) as well as in the core of the imperialist countries (USA, France, etc.). It is not Marxist he who in their respective imperialist countries won’t fight unconditionally against the defeat of its very own imperialism and for the triumph of working class and the oppressed nations. Working class in USA, Japan and Europe (or Russia) must face imperialist or aggressor bourgeoisie of their respective countries, allying it with the working class of the oppressed nations in the road for a socialist revolution.
4 – Against imperialist terrorism and quasi-fascist terrorism of the fundamentalist Islamism: We solidarize with the civilian victims of the attempts made by quasi-fascists groups claiming to be Islamic. This group are a product of imperialism (USA and France principally) in two senses; first because they are financed and armed by imperialism itself (and for national bourgeoisie witch are partners of imperialism in Arab countries) even thought a lot of times they will rebel later. That it’s the case of Al-Qaeda, ISIS or other minor groups. Secondly because this organizations nurture themselves with the ideological manipulation of a marginalized and segregated youth in the imperialist Europe (belong in most cases to Arab countries). This is not an issue of culture’s or religions war like the racist right wing wishes to make us believe. It is the stagnation of the productive forces of capitalism and a bigger exploitation and oppression against semi-colonial nations what makes wars and revolutions, as well as the creation of this quasi-fascists groups. That’s why the terrorist number one is imperialism. To end with imperialist capitalism is to end with every single disease in creates.
5 – Open borders for every worker and poor people of the world: after plundering the whole colonial and semi-colonial world for centuries the imperialist bourgeoisies harden their immigration laws as the same time it vomits social and state racism. It’s the capitalism downhill that leads the bourgeoisie to take this type of measures (which ranks from deportation and building walls to let immigrant die in the sea in order to stop their incoming). Because of this capitalist downhill xenophobia and neo-Nazis group’s and party’s. We must face the lies of the capitalist defenders because it isn’t true that immigration is the cause of unemployment. And even if happens on a marginal level that it’s because capitalist production method and the bourgeoisie control over the working class trough the teamsters bureaucracy, whose aim is to make the working class stop from fighting for their rights. The real thing in here is that the unregistered jobs are the ones that make the registered workers wages to have a low value. In that sense every single European employers use the immigrants in order to attack the wages and life conditions of the European working class. That’s why the task toward immigrant is to fight for their legalization and for their union affiliation, whatever its condition maybe, in order to make them take part in the proletariat’s fight against bourgeoisie. The open borders for the poor and workers of the world isn’t a moral stance, it’s a principled and strategic stance, because proletariat’s issue is the agonic capitalism and not the immigrant. Whoever denies explaining this is betraying socialist’s fight and serving the imperialist powers. The immigrant knocking the doors of Europe and the USA is a living proof that capitalism failure is what makes misery, repression and xenophobia.
6 – For the self-determination of every oppressed nationality and the independence of oppressed nations by imperialism: we stand together with the oppressed nationalities and nations and we fight alongside for their self-determination rights (Kurds, Chechenia’s, Basque’s, Scottish, etc.) as well as for the national unity of Ireland, always fighting at the same time for a free and volunteer federation of workers states. For the definitive decolonization and the retreatment of English military presence in the Falklands/Malvinas and Gibraltar’s islands. For the return of Ceuta and Melilla to Marroco, today under Spanish hands. For the self-determination of Guadalupe, Martinique, Reunion, New Caledonia and every single French or other imperialist dependence.
7 – For the destruction of Israel’s state while fighting for a Socialist and Workers Palestine: After WWII the USA, UK and France, with the aid of the USSR, help to build a “Jewish” state with the most reactionary and racist component of the Jewish bourgeoisie, the Zionist, claiming they were compensating the Jewish people for what they have endured at the hands of the Nazis. In 1948 the United Nations created the Israel state in Palestine, a country that was dominated by the British imperialist since 1918, subjecting them to all kind of anguish even in present time. Israel also helped imperialism to fight against Arab nationalism. Among this almost 80 years of Palestinian people’s struggle and resistance the Palestinian bourgeoisie proved their treason when they negotiated for a “two state solution” in the 90’s, even when it’s obvious, given its invasive nature, that Israel cannot tolerate a Palestinian State or something alike. Only the Palestinian and the anti-Zionist Jewish proletariat can destroy the genocide state of Israel while they are building the revolutionary workers party. For a Socialist and Workers Palestine in struggle for a free and volunteer federation of Workers republics of Middle East.
8 – Against the bourgeoisie state and it’s repressive forces and every kind of oppression: if we are to defeat capitalism the destruction bourgeoisie state it’s crucial and that’s why it is a principle to reject it’s financing at all levels as well as every NGO financed by the imperialism in any way. If the Revolutionary Worker’s Party manages to have legislator’s they must not win more than a qualified worker with the rest of the money to be delivered to the strike’s funds. As a principle we take the side of the oppressed and the exploited even if we share or not the method of their directions while facing the bourgeoisie state and its repressive forces at the same time. We fight for the equality of women and other genres. Against the state intervention in the worker’s party’s and worker’s union. Against death penalty this state’s execute; for destruction of it’s repressive apparatus and freedom to the political prisoners.
9 – For the defense of Permanent Revolution Theory: We reaffirm the fundamental programmatic contribution and revolutionary strategy of Leon Trotsky’s Theory of Permanent Revolution. Rejecting any revision; such as the Anti-Imperialist United Front characterized by dividing the revolution in two stages, in guiding political fronts with the bourgeoisie in the semi-colonial countries, when they are in conflict or are attacked by imperialism. If the bourgeoisie is divided into two camps we are not politically with the progressive bourgeois camp: those who fight for the socialist revolution are always in the camp of the proletariat. We can, if there is civil war, being in the same military camp (Spain) but always with an independent political class fighting for workers' power. As against an imperialist attack regardless of the political regime that has that attacked country we stand always on the military side of the oppressed nation, but politically from a third camp; from the interests of the proletariat. We also reject the review Theory of Permanent Revolution for the struggle for democratic revolution, or whatever name this conception gains. When there is a political awakening of large swathes of masses, revolutionaries must develop policies that seek to put the working class at the center of the scene, while rising democratic slogans witch none of them, in the words of Trotsky, must become a noose around the neck of the proletariat. It’s an opportunistically revise of the theory of permanent revolution, and betray the proletariat, those who in their politics and slogans raised walls between the democratic revolution and the socialist revolution. Our struggle is always for socialist revolution.
10 - In defense of the method of the Transitional Program: The Transitional Program is a program based on the objective situation and taking into account the consciousness of the proletariat, develops policy and tactics, and guides slogans articulated so that based on the needs of the proletariat help in practical political struggle immediate -in the different situations of the class struggle to advance its policy of class consciousness in the sense of the socialist revolution. Thus seeking to bridge the gap between the current objective situation and the tasks of the proletarian vanguard, to resolve the situation favorably to workers building the revolutionary workers' party and the conquest of power. The importance of the method of the Transitional Program is that start’s from the objective situation of decline and decay of capitalism and therefore it presents a program whose central slogans, transitional, cannot be carried forward more than the working class in the power. Thus ending the division of mere immediate reforms program and the abstract program of Socialism for the indefinite future time. Who breaks the internal logic of the Transitional Program can not fall more than an abstract propagandism or mere reformism rather than use root words.
11 - Against capitulation to bourgeois democratic regime: The bourgeoisie dominates with the rifle and/or deceit; bourgeois democracy is a sham, is a bait, a trap for workers in the visible-behind bourgeois politicians, with their largely funded lies, entrepreneurs and imperialist interests are hidden, while bourgeois democracy is the best regime in capitalism which has the working class to fight for their rights and conquests, in the words of Lenin. It is both at the same time, so it is very important to use giving the fight also in the electoral plane, so we can talk not just to hundreds or a few thousand, but millions; but never depositing expectations that under this regime, that is, within the framework of capitalism can solve the most important problems; work, decent wages, housing, quality health care for all, including fight against insecurity and even less corruption. Bourgeois elections are not feasible to present programs, even if those programs are to be fulfilled with the fight. Bourgeoisie elections are to be used for distributing socialist and revolutionary propaganda in order to, in the words of Lenin, make a globular red blood cell count. Revolutionaries must stand for election with an electoral platform and saying clearly that none of the major problems of that platform, can be solved without the workers conquer power. Saying the vote is asked to build that tool. But not for a "workers 'government" or "workers' and popular government" which suggests the possibility that under the system and its regime, without revolution, workers can solve their most important problems; but by a revolutionary government of workers within the meaning of the Revolutionary Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
12 - For a soviet strategy: In any revolutionary or advanced pre-revolutionary situation, it is the duty of any group or party to develop, extend, coordinate, centralize and assemble the bodies of workers 'democracy and self-determination of masses, workers' councils, internal commissions and unions or sectional combative, etc., etc., expressing the tendency of the masses to establish a regime of dual power. That is, it is not a revolutionary party, the party that when a revolution wont struggle for power and the prospect of the proletariat’s dictatorship.
13 - Against the revisionism claiming to be Trotskyist: We reject the pseudo-Trotskyism (or centrism and opportunism claiming to be Trotskyist) which speaks of revolution but in practice is subordinated to the reformist apparatuses and the bourgeois democratic regime, even in the imperialist countries and surrending to their own imperialism. The Mandelist United Secretariat, the Lambertist FI-AITP, the morenoists IWL and IWU, the hardyst UCI-LO, the FT-CI, the Cliffite IST, the IWC, the grantists IMT or RMC, the CCRFI of Altamira, the LCRFI of Guillermo Lora, the L5I and RCIT exWorkers Power, and variants Spartacism, etc., etc. They represent, as centrist and opportunist, for the most part, the adjoining field reformism, if not the same reformism. Or even some smaller streams with their conceptions of Anti-Imperialist United Front, will capitulate to bourgeois political leaderships or Stalinists / front-populist, in the semi-colonial world; who are supposedly "anti-imperialist"; and leaving the working class program behind for good.
14 – For proletariat’s internationalism and the International Party: Despite many international currents have capitulated does not mean that the national-Trotskyism – that is Trotskyism in one country - is the solution in the struggle for the emancipation of the proletariat. Quite the opposite, isolated, a group or national party is much more exposed to deviations, that is, to social and political pressures manifest themselves in the working and the internal regime, and therefore in the formation of its members, politics and the intervention itself. If the groups, tendencies or fractions that break facing the capitulations of the centrists or opportunistic party’s or international currents flows, wont orient themselves towards international construction, they will also inevitably dwindle or disappear. It is an iron law; if you don’t go forward, you’ll go backward.
15 – In struggle for a principled Marxism and the construction of workers' party’s for revolution: We reject the pragmatic unprincipled opportunism that dissociates the principles of tactics and strategy of tactics, making electoral alliances with bourgeois or petty bourgeois party’s or supporting them in the elections or playing entrysm in those party’s-, as well as the sterile sectarianism who refuses to have tactics. The revisionists opportunists are very likely not to make political statements or draw lessons from their own involvement in a flight forward, and usually will capitulate to bourgeois democracy (and its own imperialism in Europe and the US). Sectarians will confuse history with politics and always look back, not to learn how it should be done the proper way, but for to differentiate. The more often their criticisms appear to be correct because they are very thoughtful, especially because they have had more initiative than thinking last praxis or the answers given by others. Sometimes they are hidden or become detached opportunistically attacking his own past to right and left, slyly, proclaiming himself as the only Leninist-Trotskyist. We reject both the pragmatic and revisionist as the self-proclaimed sterile sectarianism and opportunism. For a principled Marxism to be built in the struggles, learning from mistakes, and looking forward to fight for a Revolutionary Worker’s Communist International!
We are aware that this international framework and these rules of principle are essential but surely are far from being perfect, therefore these are also in discussion for any group, party or current who agrees in general basis and want to discuss this framework or any point of the bases in particular. In that sense we favor the widest and frank discussion maintaining respect and revolutionary brotherhood. And at the same time, no group of the organizing committee can refuse to discuss the policy held before the requisition of any group adhered to this committee. Thus we begin to implement democracy and political debate between those who are committed to put in place a Revolutionary Workers Communist International!
¡¡¡Down with the oppression, exploitation, misery and xenophobia made by this decomposing worldwide capitalism!!!
¡¡¡For a Revolutionary Worker’s Communist International!!!
(Under the theorical legacy of the Fourth International)

Movement towards Socialism (Russia)